These remains stretch as far as Rromanat village, in an area known as “Gjoka’s brook.” Built during the reign of Roman Emperor Hadrian (117–138 AD), the Aqueduct of Durres was part of a broader urban vision that also built the amphitheatre, library, and hippodrome.

The aqueduct extended nearly 15 kilometres, carrying water from the Erzen River into the city through an advanced system of lead pipes manufactured in workshops of ancient Dyrrachium.

Some of these pipes, now preserved in the Archaeological Museum of Durrës, still bear the names of the city and their makers; proof that water management was once a matter of planning, craftsmanship, and accountability.

After the decline of Roman infrastructure, the city adapted. Wells became the main source of water, including the famous Tophane Well, located just 300 meters from the city centre.

For centuries, it supplied the central neighbourhoods of Durrës. A 1916 postcard shows the well after its last major repair by the Austro-Hungarian authorities-another reminder that even in difficult times, water systems were maintained.

During the Ottoman period, Durrës relied on hammams and smaller-scale water networks. While functional, the system gradually weakened, and long-term water regulation lost importance. Still, the city survived-until modern neglect arrived.

Durrës has always stood on fragile ground. Large areas were historically marshlands, requiring drainage systems and strict urban rules. Italian and later socialist urban plans recognized this reality, preserving canals and limiting construction in flood-prone zones. After the fall of communism, those plans were ignored.

Rapid and unplanned urbanization spread over former wetlands, drainage channels were blocked or built over, and construction spread without any criteria. Water, deprived of its paths, simply returned to reclaim the city.

The floods of Durrës are not just a natural disaster. They are the result of abandoning centuries of knowledge. Two thousand years ago, this city mastered water.

Today, it drowns under it in the absence of planning. Durrës does not need to become Venice. It needs to remember what it once was.

The post A time of water mismanagement: The forgotten lessons of Durrës first appeared on Amfora.

Much like Bulgaria’s ‘Kukeri’, this ritual celebrates renewal and community, yet today it remains largely forgotten beyond Polena, surviving mainly through the dedication of local participants.

In the village of Polena, located 9 kilometers west of Korça and 14 kilometers east of Voskopoja, every January 6^th, the Carnival unfolds  as an ancient winter ritual rather than a typical urban festivity.

Celebrated on the ‘Day of the Blessed Water’, an imporant day for Albania’s Catholic community,the event marks a symbolic transition from darkness to light, from the hardships of the old year to the promise of renewal in the new one. 

Although its origins are unknown, some scholars suggest the festival has pre-Christian roots linked to seasonal cycles and fertility beliefs. The ‘arapë’, dressed as masked performers representing chaos and winter, symbolize the forces of darkness that must give way to life, order, and harmony.

Celebrated for three centuries, the carnival resumed in 1991 after the fall of communism in Albania. Today, it survives entirely through local initiative, with organizers like Gjergj Minka noting photographs from 1986 document its longstanding role in the community, even though it received little institutional support from the Albania’s communist authorities.

Polena’s Carnival in Albania shares strong similarities with Bulgaria’s ‘Kukeri’ and related masked winter rituals found across the Balkans, including in North Macedonia, northern Greece, Romania, Slovenia, and parts of Serbia. Masked men, dressed in bells and animal imagery, share the same purpose: chasing away evil spirits and securing prosperity for the new year.

These similar celebrations expose a comparable Balkan ritual heritage, preserved in rural communities and transmitted across generations.

For those seeking a glimpse into Albania’s hidden folklore, Polena’s Carnival offers a rare opportunity to witness a living tradition that has survived centuries of change. Unlike similar carnivals in the Balkans, which have gained national and international recognition, Polena’s festival relies entirely on local dedication.

Limited media attention, rapid migration and urbanization as well as the absence of sustained institutional support have contributed to the marginalization of Albania’s broader cultural landscape. Notwithstanding these challenges, the carnival continues to thrive, sustained by community memory, collective participation, and the enduring spirit of the villagers.

The post Polena’s carnival: Albania’s overlooked celebration first appeared on Amfora.

It carries the weight of memory-of thousands imprisoned, beaten, and broken for the “crime” of thinking differently. Walking through Spaç means entering a chapter of collective memory that still stings.

Yet this pain is necessary. It ensures that horror is not forgotten. Spaç was never small or insignificant-it was a warning. One that still demands to be heard. The story of Spaç cannot be told without understanding Communist Albania. In 1944, while Churchill and Stalin divided Europe into spheres of influence, Albania fell within the Eastern bloc under Yugoslav and Soviet control, as outlined in the Yalta agreements.

After the Greek Civil War (1944–1949), Albania’s communist regime solidified its alliances with Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union, and their satellites. Enver Hoxha, who was partly educated in France and rose through the communist movement during World War II-became the architect of one of Europe’s harshest dictatorships. His 1945 promise of a Marxist-Leninist utopia gave way to mass imprisonments, total surveillance, the abolition of private property, and a culture of fear.

Over 45 years, tens of thousands of Albanians were imprisoned. Amnesty International estimates that 3% of the population perished and around 16,000 were incarcerated. Among the network of labor camps, Spaç became infamous-forcing prisoners into brutal mine labor and psychological submission.

Spaç first appears in records from the 16th century as a small village tied to the Catholic monastic community of Mirdita. The monks shaped local culture and architecture, giving the area a quiet spiritual presence long before industrialization.

By the 1930s, Italian surveys identified the region as rich in pyrite, making it ideal for mining. Surrounded by mountains and rivers, Spaç was strategically located for transport and production-destined for industrial exploitation even before communism.

After World War II, the regime chose Spaç as the site of a new prison and labor camp. In 1968 it became known as “Camp 303.” Existing mining facilities were repurposed into a system of forced labor for political prisoners. A directive from Mehmet Shehu to Enver Hoxha ordered its reorganization into 13 structures, including dormitories, an isolation block, an administration building, a canteen, and a roll-call terrace-later fortified with fences and guard posts.

Within this tightly controlled world, prisoners endured exhausting shifts in pyrite mines under perilous conditions. Despite repression, Spaç became a symbol of defiance: in May 1973, prisoners revolted, raising the Albanian flag without the communist star. The uprising was swiftly crushed, but it remains a defining act of courage in Albania’s modern history.

After communism collapsed, the Spaç Labor Camp was abandoned. Some sections remained in use until 1995, but most of the site decayed rapidly. Buildings were stripped for materials, repurposed for agriculture, or left to crumble through neglect and natural erosion-especially after the 1997 political turmoil. Today, the camp survives as a haunting landscape of fragments and silence.

Recognition came slowly. In 2007 Spaç was declared a National Monument, and in 2015 key structures, including the dormitories, free workers’ building, and administrative block, were placed under protection. A decade later, a government proposal to convert Spaç into a museum sparked controversy. Survivors and NGOs opposed the plan, arguing that it ignored international preservation principles such as those in the Venice Charter, the Burra Charter, and the Nara Document-which emphasize minimal intervention, authenticity, and respect for cultural and social values.

Spaç’s memory also endures through survivor testimonies and art. Former prisoners recount forced labor, surveillance, and the 1973 revolt. Artists like Ina Elezi and the upcoming film Revolta në Ferr (The Revolt in Hell) bring these stories to broader audiences. Restoration should not only stabilize the ruins but also safeguard the human experiences they embody-pain, resistance, and dignity.

Spaç stands as more than a ruin-it is a symbol of oppression, resilience, and remembrance. Survivor voices, artistic works, and civic debates remind us that this history is alive, not distant.

In the summer of 2025, restoration efforts reignited protests. Former prisoners and activists condemned superficial renovations as attempts to sanitize history. The Albanian Heritage Institute suspended the works to reevaluate plans, underscoring the urgent need for ethical, memory-driven preservation.

International charters call for respect toward original materials and the scars of history. Spaç’s future should balance accessibility with authenticity, guided by survivors and communities rather than bureaucracy.If preserved with honesty, Spaç can transform from a site of suffering into a space for reflection and civic learning. By safeguarding both its stones and its stories, Albania can finally confront-and tell-the full truth about its communist past.

The post The stones of Spaç echo Albania’s communist oppression first appeared on Amfora.

That’s when it hit me: not only teenagers on the bus, but even mainstream media are blending English words into Albanian sentences. Through these snippets of everyday life, I realized that the Albanian language is slowly losing ground – not through force, but through social contagion. Words like live, trend, breaking news, VIP, statement, overview, deçiziv, siguracion, scroll, and type are replacing their Albanian counterparts. It’s happening quietly, almost invisibly – each borrowed word pushing an Albanian one closer to extinction.

This reflection comes at a meaningful moment in our linguistic history: Alphabet Day. From the 1908 Manastir Congress that unified our alphabet, to the modern habits that weaken our language daily, we are witnessing how a language once defended with sacrifice now fades—not from invasion, but from indifference.

A Short History of the Albanian Language

The Albanian language (gjuha shqipe) is among the oldest in the Indo-European family, with roots often traced to ancient Illyrian origins. It has two main dialects: Gheg in the north and Tosk in the south. While no written Illyrian texts survive, many words – like yll (star), thikë (knife), dele (sheep), dashi (ram), ujk (wolf) – and city names such as Durrës and Tirana, reveal clear linguistic continuity.

The earliest written reference to Albanian dates to 1284, in a letter from the Republic of Ragusa, while the oldest known Albanian text is “Formula e Pagëzimit” (The Baptism Formula, 1462) by Archbishop Pal Engjëlli.

Through centuries of Ottoman rule, Albanian absorbed influences from Greek, Latin, Slavic, Arabic, and Turkish. Yet it persisted. Works like Meshari (1555) and Çeta e Profetëve (1685) preserved it. The 19th-century National Awakening elevated language unification as a patriotic cause, culminating in the Manastir Congress (1908), which standardized the Albanian alphabet using Latin characters.

After independence in 1912, efforts to study and protect the language intensified – reaching another milestone with the 1973 Grammar Congress, which solidified its rules. Today, Albanian boasts a written record spanning more than six centuries.

Silent Threats in the Modern Era

After the fall of communism in 1991, Albania opened its doors to the world. Global media, pop culture, technology, and migration brought new words – and slowly replaced old ones. Dictionaries such as Fjalori i Gjuhës Shqipe (2008) and Fjalori Etimologjik Shqiptar (2018) sought to preserve vocabulary, but habits changed faster than books could keep up.

Now, the threat doesn’t come from censors or invaders – but from comfort. From the teenager mixing English and Albanian (scroll, live, slay, hashtag), to journalists favoring “international” over “ndërkombëtar”, or “brand” over “markë.” Even city names are often written incorrectly instead of adapted to Albanian: New York – Jorku i Ri; Washington – Uashingtoni; Los Angeles – Los Anxhelosi; Venezia – Venecia.

Every borrowed word may feel harmless, but collectively, they blur the edges of our identity. The language that survived centuries of occupation now faces a quieter enemy: our own indifference.

How Albanian Influenced Others

Foreign scholars often describe Albanian as a language filled with borrowed words – but this misses the full story. Albanian has given as much as it has borrowed.

Greek includes μπέσα (besa), meaning “word of honor,” directly from Albanian. Slavic dialects use bašk (exactly) and kajmak (cream), believed to originate from Albanian pastoral terms. Place names across Montenegro, Kosovo, and southern Serbia carry pre-Albanian or Albanian roots – proof of an enduring linguistic footprint.

Albanian isn’t just surviving – it has shaped the linguistic landscape of the Balkans for centuries.

Before We Lose Them: Simple Alternatives

Languages fade not through prohibition, but through small, everyday choices. Here are a few quick swaps that help keep Albanian strong:

Each word we choose matters. Language isn’t lost in a day—it fades in conversation, in headlines, in habit.

A Call for Awareness

The Albanian language has survived empires, bans, and centuries of pressure. Its greatest threat today is neither political nor external—it’s quiet, internal, and cultural.

Every time we choose a foreign word for style or convenience, we erode a bit of our linguistic foundation. The change isn’t dramatic—it’s gradual, like color fading from a photograph. A teenager saying scroll, a journalist writing breaking news, a billboard promoting a brand—none of these seem alarming, but together, they reshape our language.

This is not a plea for isolation. Borrowing enriches a language when done thoughtfully. But when drejtpërdrejt becomes live out of laziness, when përditësim turns into update out of habit, that enrichment turns to erosion.

The responsibility lies with all of us—schools, media, institutions, and everyday speakers. Preserving Albanian doesn’t require grand gestures—just awareness. Choosing the native word when it exists. Writing place names correctly. Encouraging young people to value the words that carry our stories. Albanian has given us identity, poetry, and unity. Now it asks for something simple in return: use it.

The post The day we saved the alphabet – but may lose the language first appeared on Amfora.

Mujo Ulqinaku is remembered as one of the earliest anti-Fascist heroes of the 20th century, not only in Albania but also in the broader context of global resistance against Fascism. His bravery during the Italian invasion of Albania on April 7, 1939, places him alongside those who stood against oppression in countries like Ethiopia, Spain, Austria, and Czechoslovakia. Revered in Albanian history, his name has been memorialized in schools, streets, monuments, and history books—though his legacy has often been shaped and, at times, distorted by the ideological narratives of Communist Albania. 

From the Kingdom of Albania through its occupation and into the decades of dictatorship and beyond, Ulqinaku’s story reflects the broader struggles of a small nation caught in the storm of European totalitarianism. His resistance in Durrës, though short-lived, was symbolically powerful. It not only demonstrated individual heroism but also exposed to the world the brutal nature of Fascist aggression. This concise article explores the life, legacy, and lasting symbolism of Mujo Ulqinaku across different historical periods in Albanian memory and historiography.

Biography: The Introduction of Mujo Ulqinaku

Mujo Ulqinaku, also known as Mujo or Muhamet Cakuli, was born in 1896 in Ulqin, an Albanian town located about 40 kilometers from Shkodra. He came from a well-known family, and his hometown of Ulqin held a prominent role as a key base for the Albanian navy and maritime activities, including sea piracy. Following the annexation of Ulqin and its surrounding region by Montenegro in 1880, as determined by the Congress of Berlin in 1878, the Cakuli family was forced to leave their homeland. They first relocated to Shkodër and later settled in Durrës.

Meantime in Albania…

Since the Vlora War of 1920 and the last decisions of Paris Peace Conference of 1919-1921, Italy was obliged to retreat from the country, apart from Sazan Island and to be one of the protector countries of Albania. Five years later, Ahmet Zogu, an ex-Albanian patriot and deputy of Conservative Party, after taking power, he thought on how to rely on economic and social support between Yugoslavia, Greece, and Italy.

Due to the Italian pressure, Zogu was forced to rely on Italy, to buy financial credits to finance ist army, develop the social life of Albania, and expand the main cities of Albania, mainly Durres and Tirana. Since this situation was worsened in Albania after the marriage of Zogu with Queen Geraldine of Hungary and Zogu’s alliance with Nazi Germany, the rival of Fascist Italy, Ciano and Mussolini decided to start a war against Albania, by sabotaging the army, locking the weaponry storage, and stopping in financing into the Albanian economy.

Moreover, Italian pressure on Albania stemmed from Italy’s imperialist ambitions to dominate the Mediterranean region and parts of Africa. The Secret Treaty of London (1915) promised Italy significant territorial gains in Yugoslavia, Albania, Greece, and Turkey. This fueled the aspirations of Italian nationalist politicians, who began to envision a redrawn map of Italy that included expansion into these regions. One of the main proponents of this vision was Benito Mussolini, widely known as Il Duce. After coming to power in Rome in 1922, Mussolini actively pursued plans to expand Italian influence over Albania’s internal affairs.

Although Ahmet Zogu made efforts to protest Italy’s foreign policy in the Balkans by appealing to French, British, American, German, Yugoslav, and Greek authorities, his warnings went unheeded. The decision to occupy Albania had already been made. The invasion was scheduled for Easter Sunday—known as the “Black Sunday”—with a plan to deploy 50,000 Italian troops to occupy the country within 48 hours. The operation, code-named OMT (Oltre Mare Tirana – “Across the Sea to Tirana”), envisioned a swift takeover, the abolition of Zogu’s monarchy, the establishment of an Italian Protectorate in Albania, and the eventual unification of Albanian-speaking territories from Yugoslavia and Greece under Italian control.

Durres in the Black Sunday

On April 7th, 1939, at 5:00 AM, Italian forces led by Generals Alfredo Guzzoni and Alberto Pariani launched a coordinated invasion of Albania, targeting four main ports: Shëngjin, Durrës, Vlorë, and Sarandë. Although the Italian authorities attempted to mask the aggression through propaganda films produced by the Istituto Luce, the reality on the ground was far different. Reports of armed resistance were confirmed by British military officers, the U.S. Ambassador Hugh S. Grant, and telegrams sent by the Albanian Army and Gendarmerie from the invaded ports to Tirana, detailing the unfolding conflict.

For example, Abaz Kupi, the commander of Durres County division telegrammed:

The Italian fleet has surrounded Durrës and entered the Port. There are more than 30 ships in Durrës, Porto Romano, and the Baths area (Durrës Beach). We didn’t have time to mine the port. We will do our duty, but the aviation is causing us a lot of damage. Order the command in Shijak to come to our aid, especially to secure the Baths area (Durrës Beach).

The battle in Durrës lasted for approximately six hours, during which around 150 Albanians lost their lives. Among them was Mujo Ulqinaku, who was reportedly killed either by an Italian naval shell or a rifle bullet while stationed at the Venetian Tower of Durrës. On the opposing side, roughly 400 Italian soldiers were killed between April 7th and April 14th. The final phase of the invasion occurred with the occupation of Kukës, the last Albanian city to fall, which Italian propaganda films from the Istituto Luce portrayed as a peaceful welcome by the local population and authorities. Although General Guzzoni had promised Mussolini that Albania would be conquered in just 48 hours, the operation ultimately took 168 hours.

The fate of Mujo Ulqinaku’s body remains unverified. Due to his rank, reputation, and heroic role, it is widely believed that he was buried with honors by the people of Durrës. His story has been preserved primarily through the work of Moikom Zeqo, a fellow native of the Adriatic coastal region where the 1939 conflict unfolded. In a 2019 interview, Zeqo recounted that during a 1949 visit to Albania—ten years after Ulqinaku’s death—the renowned French poet Paul Éluard expressed disbelief in the tale of Mujo Ulqinaku.

Following the landing of Italian troops in Durrës, resistance continued to flare across the country. In the southern and northern ports of Saranda, Vlorë, and Shëngjin, Albanian forces and civilians engaged in day-long battles to prevent the Italians from advancing inland toward strategic cities like Shkodër, Fier, and Gjirokastër. Despite being outnumbered and underequipped, local resistance groups managed to delay the occupation and stir unrest throughout the territory. Over the following month, anti-Fascist sentiment intensified. The Italian-appointed governor began implementing aggressive policies of Italianization—imposing the Italian language, attempting to fuse the Albanian double-headed eagle with Fascist emblems, and enforcing political loyalty to Rome. These actions only deepened public resentment and gave rise to the early stages of organized anti-Fascist resistance in Albania.

The invasion also had wider geopolitical implications. Greece, Albania’s southern neighbor, used the Italian occupation as a pretext to pursue its long-standing territorial claims over the region known as “Northern Epirus,” which includes Gjirokastër and Korçë. Greek nationalist and military circles accused Albania of aligning with the Axis powers—Fascist Italy, Imperial Japan, and Nazi Germany—and particularly targeted the Muslim Albanian population in Çamëria, branding them as collaborators. This narrative was used to justify Greece’s declaration of the Law of War against Albania, a legal state that, remarkably, remains technically in place even 85 years later. 

Its northern neighbor, Yugoslavia, was afraid of the Italianization of Balkans and started to militarize its country and put pressure towards the Albanian community in Yugoslavia. In addition to the Greek and Yugoslav justifications, Bulgaria, another country in the Balkans, also used the Italian occupation as a justification to aim at protecting the Bulgarian minority in Albania and as a threat against the influence of Sofia. This stance was also supported by the wife of King Boris III, queen Giovanna of Savoy Royal House, who had Italian origins.

Nonetheless, Albania’s response to Fascist aggression did not go unnoticed internationally. The Daily Telegraph remarked in a prominent subtitle that Albania was among the few nations in Europe that actively resisted Fascist occupation from the outset, contrasting its stance with that of Austria and Czechoslovakia, which had fallen to Hitler with far less resistance. This legacy of defiance, despite Albania’s small size and limited resources, has remained a defining chapter in its modern history.

Ulqinaku in Communist Albania and Later Depiction

After the establishment of Communist Albania in 1944, Enver Hoxha covered the Italian Invasion of Albania with many propagandas. According to their propaganda in the history books of Albania, it is cited that Mujo Ulqinaku, altogether with Haxhi Tabaku, Hamit Dollani were members of different Communist Albanian groups. However, after 1990s, it was never proven that the main characters of that day proved any sympathy for communism in Albania. Furthermore, Zogu’s regime was known during its regime as anti-popular or Fascist regime of Zogu, in whom, he never collaborated with Fascism.

In 1970’s, roads, statues, movies, and songs were dedicated to Mujo Ulqinaku and its heroism in Albania.  However, a part of his family was persecuted. His son, Hamit Ulqinaku got famous as his dad, by being a pilot in the Albanian Air Fleet, but later after a scandal, he was never shown by the Albanian authorities for 10 years, under the pressure of the Albanian Secret Services. Furthermore, his friends, who survived from the warfare of Durres in 1939, survived their lives in the prisons of Communist Albania. Meanwhile, Abaz Kupi, after he experienced a big failure in the organization of his anti-communist group in World War II, escaped to Italy, then to the United States, where he died in 1976, while his family was persecuted by Fascist and Communist regimes.

During his regime, Enver Hoxha sought to portray himself as a participant in the anti-Fascist resistance of April 7, 1939. He claimed that he had volunteered to travel from Korçë to Durrës with a group of students from the French Lyceum of Korçë to resist the Italian invasion. However, historical evidence suggests these claims were unfounded. In fact, early in the occupation, Hoxha is known to have cooperated with the Fascist authorities, who covered his medical expenses and financed his treatment in Italy. He was reportedly both shocked and pleased to witness the Albanian Royal Family’s departure from Korçë to Greece—an event that foreshadowed his own unexpected rise to power just five years later, when he would become Albania’s prime minister and rule the country for the next 45 years.

In recent years, Albanian journalists and historians such as Blendi Fevziu, Marenglen Kasmi, Marin Mema, and Mishel Koçiu have worked to shed light on the true story of Mujo Ulqinaku and his courageous stand against the Italian invasion, while also highlighting the perceived cowardice of King Zog in the face of Mussolini’s imperial ambitions. Despite these efforts in the media, the Albanian government once controversially awarded Galeazzo Ciano—the Fascist Italian foreign minister and Mussolini’s son-in-law—the title of Honorary Citizen of Albania. This symbolic act stands in stark contrast to the sacrifices of national heroes like Mujo Ulqinaku and appears to undermine their legacy. As time passes and official narratives shift, Ulqinaku’s story risks fading into obscurity, becoming a distant memory for the public and treated with indifference by much of Albanian society.

Conclusion

Mujo Ulqinaku stands as one of the earliest symbols of resistance not only in Albania but also in the broader fight against Fascism across Europe. His courageous stand against overwhelming Italian forces during the invasion of April 7, 1939, earned him a lasting place in Albanian national memory. Though his life was cut short during the first hours of battle in Durrës, his sacrifice ignited a sense of defiance that resonated beyond his lifetime, inspiring future generations to value freedom and national sovereignty.

His legacy was preserved, albeit reshaped, by Communist Albania, which used his name and actions to bolster its own narratives of resistance and patriotism. Streets, schools, and statues were named after him, but behind the glorification, many aspects of his true personal history—including the persecution of his family and the complexities of the time—were either ignored or revised to fit political agendas. Nevertheless, Mujo Ulqinaku’s heroism transcends ideology. He remains a figure of dignity, bravery, and sacrifice who chose to resist an imperialist force rather than surrender.

Today, his story is a poignant reminder of the importance of standing against oppression, even when the odds seem impossible. His name endures not just as part of historical record, but as part of a living memory of Albanian identity and resistance.

The post Mujo Ulqinaku: The first anti-fascist hero of the world? first appeared on Amfora.

“I did not dedicate my entire life to Egypt and accomplish things that others would have deemed impossible just to leave its enjoyment to a pasha. I will never allow Egypt to become English and Turkey to become Russian!”

Introduction

The tale of King Zog and King Farouk is intricately woven into the rich tapestry of Albanian influence in Egypt—a legacy spanning two centuries. From the transformative reign of Muhammad Ali Pasha to the intellectual and cultural contributions of Albanian scholars and writers, this enduring presence shaped Egypt’s governance and society.

This golden thread of history persisted until the twilight of King Farouk’s reign in 1952, marking the culmination of an extraordinary Albanian dynasty in Egypt. Unveiling the legacy of the Albanian dynasty in Egypt, focusing on Muhammad Ali Pasha’s visionary leadership and revolutionary reforms. Highlighting the broader Albanian contributions to Egypt’s governance, culture, and society.

From the intellectual pursuits of Albanian writers to the enduring legacy of the royal connection between King Zog and King Farouk, this article will uncover a captivating chapter of shared heritage that bridged nations and left an indelible mark on history.

Part One: The Origins of Mehmet Ali Pasha

Muhammad Ali Pasha, born in 1769 in Kavala, Greece, to Albanian parents from Zëmblak in Korça County, emerged as a pivotal historical figure in the region. Kavala’s strategic location on the Via Egnatia, connecting cities like Durrës and Istanbul, shaped its economic and cultural significance.

Despite a challenging childhood marked by the loss of 13 siblings and separation from his family, Muhammad Ali pursued military training in Istanbul and was fluent in Albanian, with limited Turkish and Arabic skills.

Initially a merchant traveling through Albania, Greece, Macedonia, and Turkey, he rose to prominence amid the Ottoman Empire’s decline, marked by key defeats and the French invasion of Egypt in 1798. In 1801, Muhammad Ali, alongside Albanian commanders such as Omer Vrioni and Ibrahim Pasha of Berat, joined the Egyptian campaign against the French.

Distinguished for their valor, the Albanian troops secured victories but faced significant challenges, including disputes over payments, Mamluk dominance in Egypt, and struggles for Egypt’s independence from Ottoman control. This marked the initial steps toward the creation of modern Egypt.

Part Two: The Creation of New Egypt

After the French occupation of Egypt ended, Muhammad Ali Pasha faced three critical challenges: securing Egypt’s independence, eliminating Mamluk dominance, and addressing the dissatisfaction of Albanian mercenaries over unpaid wages. He reformed Egypt through military, administrative changes, strengthened foreign ties, and plans to eliminate the Mamluks.

The Mamluks, an entrenched feudal elite of Turkish and Circassian origin, had ruled Egypt since 1250. In March 1811, Muhammad Ali orchestrated their elimination through a cunning plan. During a Cairo feast celebrating military victories and Ibrahim Pasha’s campaign, Albanian soldiers ambushed and killed Mamluk leaders, solidifying Muhammad Ali’s rule over Egypt.

After Muhammad Ali Pasha solidified his control in 1811, he introduced several important reforms, particularly in the military, education, culture, and religion. He modernized the Egyptian army and navy with the assistance of French military advisors. Additionally, he played a key role in initiating the Suez Canal project, aimed at improving Egypt’s trade connections.

Furthermore, Muhammad Ali modernized Egypt’s education system by advancing its structure and sending students to study in the West. He also enacted cultural and religious reforms, safeguarding ancient monuments like the Pyramids of Giza and Luxor temples, while supporting the Coptic Christian community, previously oppressed under Ottoman rule.

In addition to reforms, he led ambitious military campaigns across Sudan, the Middle East, Greece, and the Ottoman Empire. Notably, in 1825, he sent Ibrahim Pasha to Greece, achieving key victories at Missolonghi, Navarino, and Tripolitsa. However, the intervention of British, French, and Russian fleets led to defeat at Navarino in 1827, ending Egypt’s Greek ambitions.

Shifting focus, during the 10-years period of 1830-1840, Muhammad Ali expanded into Ottoman territories in Palestine, Jordan, Cyprus, Crete, Lebanon, Syria, and southern part of Anatolia. His victories under Ibrahim Pasha, such as in Konya, Nizap and Acre shocked Sultan Mahmud II, undermining the Sultan’s authority and contributing to his eventual death in 1839.

Part Three: Egypt and the Albanian National Awakening

After the death of Muhammed Ali in 1849, a significant influx of Albanian intellectuals, poets, writers, and military leaders settled in cities like Alexandria, Helliopolis and Cairo. Many of these individuals hailed from the Vilayets of Shkodra, Manastir, and Janina.

For instance, notable figures, including Andon Zako Çajupi, Bardhyl Kadiu, Theofan Stilian Noli, Filip Shiroka, the Frashëri brothers, Ismail Qemali, Kole Muka, Kostandin Kristoforidhi, Mihal Grameno, Thimi Mitko, and Zef Jubani, contributed to the cultural and political landscape of Egypt during the Albanian National Awakening.

Their mission involved establishing Albanian schools in Egypt to serve the local Albanian community, sending intellectuals back to Albania to open secret schools, and disseminating Albanian books and journals. They aimed to facilitate communication between the Albanian diaspora in Egypt and their homeland.

Furthermore, they created connections with the other Albanian diaspora groups. Ultimately, they sought to organize a general Albanian revolution against the Ottoman Empire and its neighbours, contributing to Albania’s successful declaration of independence in 1912 after numerous attempts.

Part Four: King Farouk and The End of The Albanian Adventure

The last King of Egypt, Farouk I, was the son of King Fuad I and Nazli Sabri, and the brother of Princesses Faika, Fathia, Fawzia, and Faiza. He was described as a powerful and rich king, possessing a lot of properties and luxurious cars in Egypt. Among his siblings, Princess Fawzia, celebrated as one of Egypt’s most beautiful women, married the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

King Farouk, known for his extravagant lifestyle, faced widespread public dissatisfaction, which fueled several attempts to overthrow his regime. He was married twice and struggled to maintain stability during his reign. When World War II began in 1939, Egypt sought to remain neutral, navigating the complex dynamics between the Allies and the Axis powers.

However, in 1940, Italian forces initiated the invasion of Egypt, marking the beginning of the North African Campaign (1940–1943). Egypt, after shifting allegiances, was ultimately compelled to collaborate with the Allies. Following the Allies’ decisive victory at the Second Battle of El-Alamein (23 October – 11 November 1942), a significant meeting took place at Al-Manial Palace in Cairo. This gathering brought together the leaders of Nationalist China, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Egypt to discuss the future of the war and post-war strategies.

Later, Egypt faced significant unrest. The country’s defeat in the Arab-Israeli War and growing discontent with the Kingdom of Egypt fueled widespread public dissatisfaction, ultimately leading to a revolt against King Farouk’s regime. In the early 1950s, General Gamal Abdel Nasser, along with Anwar Sadat, Salah Salem, and Mohamed Naguib, orchestrated a military coup. This effort was reportedly carried out in collaboration with the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), marking a pivotal moment in Egypt’s modern history.

After Nasser’s regime came to power, the Albanian community in Egypt faced assimilation under Arabization policies. Many members of the community emigrated to countries such as the United States, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Europe. Meanwhile, King Farouk and his royal family were exiled to Capri, Italy.

On the other hand, Princess Fawzia, who had ruled as Queen of Iran from 1941 to 1948 alongside King Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (1939–1948), remarried Ismail Chirine in 1949 following her divorce. After the fall of Egypt’s royal dynasty, Fawzia briefly resided in Switzerland before settling in Alexandria, where she lived until her death in 2013.

Muhammed Ali and the Albanians of Egypt in other works

The Albanian dynasty of Egypt continues to be highly regarded by Egyptian, Albanian, and international academics, artists, and intellectuals. For example, Aleksander Xhuvani (1880–1961), a renowned Albanian scholar, was the first one who authored a concise history book titled The Albanian Who Created the Egyptian Kingdom (1921). This work was subsequently republished in 1941, 1999, and 2003, reflecting its enduring significance and recognition.

Several television documentary series have focused on the Albanians of Egypt, both in Albanian and Arab diaspora. Notable examples include Shqip by Rudina Xhunga and ABC Story by Ferdinand Dervishi. However, some of these documentaries received limited attention from the Albanian diaspora, resulting in a lack of awareness about the Albanian communities in Cairo, Heliopolis, and Alexandria.

Additionally, Al Jazeera aired a documentary on the origins of Muhammad Ali, inaccurately portraying him as Turkish, despite his Albanian heritage. The documentary also depicted him as a fanatical and hypocritical figure in Egyptian history, further misrepresenting his legacy.

In February 2016, under the auspices of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo, the book From the History of Albanians in Egypt during the 15th–20th Centuries by Muhamed Mufaku was published in Prishtina, Kosovo. The era of Muhammad Ali, along with Khedives Ibrahim and Ismail Pasha through to King Farouk, was marked by numerous artworks created by French painters such as Jean-Léon Gérôme and Louis-Pierre Couder.

Among the most notable pieces recognized by the Albanian diaspora are Prayer in the House (1857), A Joke – An Albanian Blowing Smoke into His Dog’s Nose (1864), and Albanian Guards Performing the Sword-Dance in Front of Local Audience and Musicians (1885), along with many others.

In addition to the contributions of numerous academics and artists, Gilbert Sinoué, a renowned French-Egyptian writer and musician, authored a significant work dedicated to the life of Muhammad Ali Pasha. His book, Le Dernier Pharaon – Mehemet Ali (translated into English as The Last Pharaoh – Muhammad Ali), was first published in 1997 and later republished in 2009. Notably, the book is available exclusively in French and has gained recognition for its in-depth portrayal of Muhammad Ali’s legacy.

Many foreign publications have inaccurately described Muhammad Ali as “Turko-Albanian,” despite evidence to the contrary. He spoke only Albanian, had limited knowledge of Turkish, and no knowledge of Arabic. Additionally, another misrepresentation of his legacy claims that he sought to establish Egypt exclusively for Arabs and Albanians and was hostile towards foreigners and Christians. These assertions are not supported by historical evidence and mischaracterize his policies and actions in Egypt.

Conclusion

The Albanians in Egypt have made a significant impact on the modern histories of both Egypt and Albania, especially through the founding of the Muhammad Ali dynasty, which played a key role in shaping Egypt’s political, social, and economic landscape for almost a century. Additionally, the Albanian diaspora in Egypt played an important part in supporting the efforts that led to Albania’s independence from the Ottoman Empire.

However, following the rise of Nasser’s regime and the implementation of Arabization policies, the Albanian community in Egypt gradually diminished as many emigrated to countries such as the United States, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and various European nations.

Despite this decline, the Albanians’ impact on Egypt’s culture and governance remains undeniable. Their contributions continue to be acknowledged by scholars, artists, and historians, and their legacy lives on through literature, art, and academic works. Numerous documentaries, books, and artistic portrayals, such as those by Gilbert Sinoué and Aleksander Xhuvani, have ensured that the story of the Albanians in Egypt is not forgotten.

Though their presence in Egypt has lessened, the story of the Albanians in Egypt is an essential chapter in the country’s rich and complex history. Their influence can still be felt in various aspects of Egyptian society, from the arts to political structures, and their legacy remains a point of pride for both the Albanian community and Egypt itself.

Works Cited

Articles and Books

“Princess Fawzia of Egypt.” Great Egypt, 25 Jan. 2017, https://www.greategypt.org/2017/01/princess-fawzia-of-egypt.html.

Roberts, J. M., and A. A. Hassan, editors. The Cambridge History of Egypt, Volume 3: Modern Egypt, from 1517 to the End of the Twentieth Century. Cambridge UP, 1999.

Sinoué, Gilbert. Le Dernier Pharaon – Mehemet Ali. 1st ed., 1997. Republished 2009, French Edition.

S.P. “Nga Historia e Shqiptarëve në Egjipt.” Gazeta Dielli, https://gazetadielli.com/nga-historia-e-shqiptareve-ne-egjipt/.

“Shqiptaret e Egjiptit” Islami.eu, https://www.islami.eu/te-ndryshme/1232.html. Accessed 20 Nov. 2024.

“Rare Photos: January 31, 1948, When King Farouk of Egypt Organized in Cairo the Official Burial Ceremony of Princess Ruhije Zogu.” Memorie.al, https://memorie.al/en/rare-photos-january-31-1948-when-king-farouk-of-egypt-organized-in-cairo-the-official-burial-ceremony-of-princess-ruhije-zogu/.

Media

“The Albanians of Egypt and Muhammed Ali Pasha (English Subtitles)” YouTube, uploaded by MgaryM 21, https://youtu.be/DxOxaAiw5bI?si=s8FwO54FdUtssE.

“Shqiptari: Muhamed Ali Pasha by Shqip Top Channel” YouTube, uploaded by SHQIPERIAeRIBASHKUAR, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CykMaeHJu8g&t=353s&pp=ygUSbXVoYW1tYWQgYWxpIHBhc2hh.

Images and Illustrations

Couder, Auguste. “Modern Egypt, Muhammad Ali” Wikimedia Commons, uploaded by Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:ModernEgypt,_Muhammad_Ali_by_Auguste_Couder,_BAP_17996.jpg.

Gérôme, Jean-Léon. “Bashi-bozouk singing”, 1868.” Wikimedia Commons, uploaded by Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jean-L%C3%A9on_G%C3%A9r%C3%B4me_-Bashi-Bazouk_Singing-_Walters_37883.jpg.

Gérôme, Jean-Léon. “Danse des Épées ou Danse Arnaoute”, 1885.” Wikimedia Commons, uploaded by Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%C3%A9on_G%C3%A9r%C3%B4me_%E2%80%93_Danse_des_%C3%89p%C3%A9es_ou_Danse_Arnaoute,_1885.jpg.

Gérôme, Jean-Léon. Prayer in the House of the Arnaut Chief. 1849, Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prayer_in_the_House_of_the_Arnaut_Chief_by_Jean-L%C3%A9on_G%C3%A9r%C3%B4me.jpg.

Gérôme, Jean-Léon. Une Plaisanterie (A Joke). 1882, Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jean_leon_gerome_une_plaisanterie_1882.jpg.

“Masakra Mameluków.” Wikimedia Commons, uploaded by Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Masakra_mameluk%C3%B3w.jpg.

Mema, Gerhard. “Private Collection from Google Photos”, 2024.

“Princess Fawzia of Egypt.” Great Egypt, 25 Jan. 2017, https://www.greategypt.org/2017/01/princess-fawzia-of-egypt.html. Accessed 20 Nov. 2024.

“Rare Photos: January 31, 1948, When King Farouk of Egypt Organized in Cairo the Official Burial Ceremony of Princess Ruhije Zogu.” Memorie.al, https://memorie.al/en/rare-photos-january-31-1948-when-king-farouk-of-egypt-organized-in-cairo-the-official-burial-ceremony-of-princess-ruhije-zogu/.

Roberts, David and Louis Hague. “Interview with Mehemet Ali in His Palace at Alexandria” Wikimedia Commons, uploaded by Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File,_by_David_Roberts_and_Louis_Hague.jpg.

Unknown Source, “The Albanians of Cairo, 1900”.

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With a 3000 year history, Durres is well renowned for its lush hills made of clay. They stretch all the way to Porto Romano from the Durres port’s entrance. They are typical views from Durres’ beach and the surrounding areas because they give visitors the feeling that Durres was once an island. Its lofty attitude exceeds 200 meters at Mount Durres’ highest point.

They were used as a primary location for graveyards in antiquity. Ten hills make up its range, six of which are significant: the Zogu Palace hill, the Pasha hill, Dautaj, Mount Durres, Porto Romano, and Bisht Palla. Due to the clay content of these hills, an unidentified writer once advised the residents of Dyrrachium not to build dwellings there.

Later, on the contrary, individuals constructed homes without standards in a range of hills. The Durres Hills’ range is currently under risk of erosion, and government funding is insufficient to prevent it. The concise history of the six major hills will be discussed in this article.

Moisiu Hill (King Zog’s Villa in Durres Hill)

It is among the most significant hills. It has an elevation of 98 meters. The hill used to be greener and have a park called “Youth Park” when Albania was still a socialist country. Due to the building on this significant hill in the 1990s, it was demolished. This hill is home to a number of monuments, such as King Zog’s Villa, lighthouse, Anjou Tower, and Saint George Church.

King Zog’s Villa is among the most significant sites that attracts daily visitors. Many notable people have lived here, including the president of Poland, Kwasniewski (1995-2005), the American consul general in Albania, Bernstein (1930–1933) and Soviet leader Khrushchev (1953-1964).

The villa was ransacked and abandoned during and after 1997. It can no longer be accessed, and the Albanian government now owns it. The Durres Lighthouse is situated nearby. It was constructed in 1926 by Italian architects, at the same time as King Zog’s Villa. The structure was completed in 1957. The tower has an octagonal shape and a 14-meter attitude. It is not a destination anymore.

The Anjou Tower is a further significant attraction. The Durres Balcony or Durres Cage is how the Durres population refers to it. It was built in Albania during the Anjou era, sometime in the 1270s. People take in the city and port views from there. A route that led to Durres Amphitheatre before the tower was built was shut in the 2000s.

The hill of Pasha (Stan)

Another significant hill in Durres is this one. It is situated halfway between the Durres Court and “Hajdar Dushi” school. Its name is connected to the narrative of Daumet and Heuzey’s findings in 1886. Previously, according to French archaeologists, the tower of Theodore Komnenos Dukas (1215–1230), the despot of Epirus, was located there.

The tower was later looted during the Turkish era and rebuilt as another tower until 1886. Because the Pasha of Durres lived nearby, it was thought that the tower had been dubbed “The tower of Pasha.” H. Daumet and Leon Heuzey travelled to Durres in 1886. They give the order to demolish the tower and to begin the excavations to discover the ruins of Medieval tower.

In the later years of the communist era, it contained a bunker. Its entrance was said to be close to “Hajdar Dushi,” an elementary school. It was constructed in the 1970s and used in emergency situations. Additionally, it was rumored that a tunnel once connected the hill to King Zog’s Villa. Finally, the hill was given the new name “Stan”, since it was thought that there was an animal stand there.

Dautaj Hill

It is located near Currila’s hills and the World War II Martyrs Museum. 70 meters above sea level is its lofty attitude. Here, some archeological finds from 1973 were made in the ruins of necropolis. A few stones dating to the IV–III century BC were discovered. The first indications of Iliro-Albanian civilization were these stones. For the names that we use in Albania, such as Teuta, Genti, Ardian, Aba, Epikados, Zaimina, etc., they offered evidence in Albanian history.

The Dautaj hill was terraced during Albania’s socialist era in order to stem the erosion. To stop the erosion, it was terraced during Albania’s socialist era. Clay was used to build its construction, and collisions were feared. In the 2000s, some homes were built in the region, which was inhabited. It cannot be reached yet.

Kallmi Hills (The Hills of Durres Antennae or Mount Durres)

Between the hospital and Kallmi Beach, are located the Mount Durres and Currila-Kallmi range hills. They were designated as “Collines de Glaise” on a map by Daumet and Heuzey in the 1860s (in English “Clay Hills”). In the area of Antennae’s, which is now a military base, is one of Durres’ highest points. The range of Currila is situated south of these hills. Its name is the subject of a myth. Its meaning is “flowing water.” It was thought that there used to be a waterfall in that area that ended in the sea.

There are still olive trees in the Durres mountain range that were established during the Ottoman era. The area where the olive trees are located is thought to have served as an Ottoman camp during their siege of Kruja in 1450, according to Marin Barleti. In the future, the Albanian authorities are planning to open a road to connect Spitalla with the beaches of Kallmi and Currila.

Porto Romano Hills

They are close to the second port of Durres and situated in the northernmost section of the Durres hill range. The third round of Durres Castle’s walls are present. The Vth century saw their construction. Since Durres’ second port is still being built, the majority of the barriers do not exist today. Ancient fortifications, Porto Romano’s former concentration camp, and hill erosion are all in threat due to Durres’ second port’s building.

The hills in the cape of Pali (Bisht Palla)

They are situated to the north of Durres’ second harbor (Porto Romano). Its name has a connection to Saint Paul. He was a Roman-Jewish Messianic author. Paul is credited with writing the thirteen biblical books generally referred to as the Pauline epistles. Christians and churches are the recipients of the mailings. He wrote them to comfort, enlighten, and help people live Christian lives.

The spread of Christianity in Illyria is thought to have begun around 50–60 AD when he built a church on this beach. A Roman military outpost and strategic location that shielded Durres from the north was thought to exist at the Cape of Pali (also known as Portez).

The area was converted into a military base during Albania’s socialist era, and some of it still exists. According to Enver Hoxha, the name has a different etymology. He claimed that because the cape resembles a sword, the name Pali derives from the word “sword.” He thought Skanderbeg fought the Turks with a sword about 500 years ago. Hoxha defined the location as Cape Pali after this false narrative (Bishti I Palles in Albanian).

Conclusion

In conclusion, neither the populace nor the Albanian government kept the highlands safe. Previously, a park that no longer exists was located in Zogu’s Palace hill. Additionally, a few old sites (such as the archaeological dig site near Saint George Church, a section of the Durres Castle walls, and the necropolis ruins) contained the seeds of Albanian history. Durres won’t be one of Albania’s most picturesque cities if the government there doesn’t step in to safeguard the hills.

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The castle of Durrës was constructed since the foundation of Dyrrachium. Since its first exploration of the city’s walls, there have been evidences of walls since the Hellenic period. The castle was believed to be extended from the main entrance of the city’s port (near the Venetian tower) until the north of Varosh zone (today is neighborhood number 11). There has been also fortifications around the city, such as one in Porto Romane region.

Venetian Tower

The Venetian Tower (known as Torra in Albanian language), is one of the main towers that composes the walls of the castle. It was constructed during the Venetian domination of Durres (1392- August 13th, 1501). It has a diameter of 16 meters, and a height of 9 meters. It is equipped with 5 turrets and 3 alcoves. The interior is built with bricks. A staircase in stone is found within, with steep and narrow steps.

Used in the past as a weaponry magazine for the army and a base for guarding the port and the bay of Durres; then a bar with an art gallery during the modern times. After the earthquake of 26 November 2019, it was abandoned for 2 years and risked its destruction from the humidity and vegetation. Nowadays, the embassy of EU in Albania, together with UNOPS and the Ministry of Culture have started the restoration of the Venetian Tower. Soon the tower will become a popular touristic attraction and a digital heritage interpretation center.

The history of Tower C

Tower C was the main tower that was destroyed completely from the earthquake of 26 November 2019. It is located 200 meters from the Venetian Tower, near the main road that brings to the hill of King Zog’s villa, and 200 meters from Durres Amphitheatre.

Tower C has a quadratic form and it is built in three phases: the Byzantine phase, in 1273 after the earthquake of the same year and the last phase, the Ottoman period (XVII century). After 2 years and 3 months, the tower C has been under a long restauration, financed by the US, Swedish embassies in Albania and the Ministry of Culture, too.

The history of the Anjou Tower

The Anjou Tower (or known better as Kulla e Barutit) is located in the peak of a hill, below King Zog’s Villa hill and above the amphitheatre. It was constructed during the reign of Anjou family in Albania (1272-1368). The kingdom extended from Durres until Butrint, in the south. The tower is not tall, but it had a strategic position, where it is observed the city, the zone where the marshes of Durres used to be, the Albanian mountains from Milot to the mountain of Tomorr, the port, the sea (sometimes Karaburun and Sazan island can be seen from the tower too).

Conclusion

In conclusion

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The Albanians of Ukraine have been one of the unknown minorities in Ukraine. They live mainly in Budjak and Zaporizhzhia oblasts. According to the statistics, there re around 5.000 ethnic Albanians who live in Ukraine now. Nowadays, they have not forgot about their home and always they call themselves “ga tantë” (from ours) and they speak a language “si neve” (like us).

The origins

The origins of the Albanian community began since the Ottoman invasion of Albania in XVI century. Their ancestors came from South Albania, who firstly were settled in eastern Bulgaria. Today, near Veliko Tarnovo, there is a town called Arbanasi, where the Albanian population was settled. According to Konstandin Jirecek and Mahiel Kiel, they confirm that they came from Southern Albania and Çamëria in year 1492, in order to be saved from a military campaign led by Sultan Bayezid II.

1 century later, after the events that the Russo-Turkish War (1768-1774), the movement of this community continued. 1.700 Christian Albanians, altogether with their families, went to seek in Russian Empire. Some of them moved to Kerch (Crimea), and a huge group of them settled in the vicinities of Odessa, where in 1811, they found a village named Karakurt. Furthermore, the Albanian community lived there in harmony with the other communities such as with the Ukrainians, Gagauz, Romanians, Moldovans, Bulgarians, Russians and Greeks.

In Russian Empire and Soviet Ukraine

During the XIX century, in Odessa there existed club organizations organized by the Albanians who lived there and the visits of notable personalities. Such one visit happened in 1911, when Fan Stilian Noli, a notable figure of Albanian National Awakening met with the members of community in Odessa.

During the Stalinist regime in USSR (1924-1941; 1944-1953), Ukraine was one of the poorest countries from the Soviet republics. Even if the Great Famine (1932-1933) killed 3.5 million people and Stalin tried to assimilate the minorities living in Ukraine, the culture and language of the Albanian community was not assimilated, until it was recognized after World War II.

The modern times

Today, there are four villages with Albanian population in Ukraine: Karakurt, Georgievka, Gammovka and Devninskoe. Today, their culture is preserved and they share a particular interest and value in ethnicity, language and harmony with the other minorities, by forming “a melting pot”. In learning the Albanian language, the villages do not have any Albanian language school. But they speak Albanian with their families and their elders, because it is very customary. Furthermore, in contemporary Ukraine, Albanian studies are not conducted.

A brief conclusion

In conclusion, I think during and after the war between Russia and Ukraine, the Albanian government should support and research about its community living there since 3 centuries. If this would not happen, tomorrow their story would have a worse end from the war causes. Even if documentaries, club organizations and studies have contributed positively to recognize this community, there should be more fieldwork to be analyzed and systematized in the future.

• A message from my part about Ukraine (video – click here)

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It is believed that expect from the walls of Anastasius I, the city had a third siege of walls. One of these towers that composed the third siege of the city walls was the triangular tower. It is believed that it was constructed in Vth century, and it was located on the northern border of Dyrrachium. According to the French historian, Leon Heuzey and the French architect, Honore Daumet, they say that the city could have had northern fortifications, known as “troisieme encient” (from the French “third wall”) or “enceinte Byzantine” (Byzantine wall). The ruins of the tower were discovered since 2002, passed with two phases, one in 2007 and the second phase in 2012. The archaeological excavations were According to Brikena Shkodra, a known archaeologist from Durres, she says that the construction of the triangular tower had two phases of construction. The wall is 0.42 meters thick and its width is 2 meters.

It has passed 10 years since the last archaeological expedition in this site. Now, parts of its walls are damaged by vegetation, moisture and rubbish. Now situated down the ruins of an abandoned apartment and without any tourist indications about the place since 2019, the ruins are being endangered in collapse.

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